"What is a black man without his paranoia intact?" Dave Chappelle posed this hypothetical question in an interview with Oprah Winfrey back in 2006. It is a sentence poised on the tip of a fatal ambiguity that is worth scrutinizing, for it tells us a great deal about the ongoing psychodrama of integration of which Chappelle’s life and career is such a revealing case.
The interview concerned Chappelle’s sudden disappearance from public life after signing a $50 million contract to produce a third season of a sketch comedy show that had made him perhaps the most admired and best loved comedian in America. Chappelle’s retort came in response to Oprah noting that “colleagues were saying you were becoming increasingly paranoid,” in the lead up to his abandonment of the show.
Chappelle went on to say: “You might win $100 in a poker game and be on the subway — you're gonna be looking over your shoulder. They just said in everything I had 50 million dollars. That's like making me a marked man.”
The statement implicitly invoked a fear to which he would return repeatedly in the series of Netflix specials that would mark his return to the public eye in the age of Trump, as an older man operating in a changed and changing culture. This was the fear that any black man that succeeded too well would find himself in the crosshairs of the powerful forces in American culture that conspire to keep black men in their place, and to bring them low if they went too high. It was this instinctual fear that caused Chappelle to disbelieve the women who named one of his heroes, Bill Cosby, as a serial rapist.
“Didn’t want to believe it. At first, I didn’t believe it. I said, “These people are obviously trying to destroy Dr. Cosby’s rich legacy.” Even 34 allegations into it, I was still like, “Man… he probably only raped ten or 11 of those people.”
The statement thus refers to paranoia as a quality without which a black man would be directly imperiled. But there is the suggestion of something deeper in the statement, something that impinges on the ontological: that without his paranoia, a black man would cease to be a black man at all. The question is premised on the proposition that to be a black man is to be beset by fear of such intensity that disentangling true from false fears becomes impossible; and that this fear may indeed be a part, perhaps a decisive part, of what constitutes him as a black man. Without those fears, one is justified in asking what he is. What is a black man without his paranoia intact?
Year Zero is an ongoing inquiry into the ideological fever that overtook the governing and chattering classes of America during the Trump years. Free and paid subscriptions are available. The best way to support my work is by taking out a paid subscription.
James Baldwin, writing in the Fire Next Time, claimed that “every American negro risks having the gates of paranoia close in on them.”
“In a society that is entirely hostile,” he went on to write, “and, by its nature, seems determined to cut you down—that has cut down so many in the past and cuts down so many every day—it begins to be almost impossible to distinguish a real from a fancied injury.”
But of course, both Baldwin’s and Chappelle’s statements refer to paranoia, which is by definition an irrational excess of fear, and to the condition in which such fear has become endemic within an individual or collective mind. To refer to oneself as paranoid is thus in one sense a self-cancelling statement. For a person able to judge rationally the dangers to which they are exposed, and therefore to judge whether the fears by which they are beset are false or true, is not really paranoid, even if they are not always able to distinguish between true and false fear in specific cases.
To be truly paranoid is to be unable to see outside of the self-enclosed system of pathological casuistry wired into the limbic system at a stage preceding conscious thought. To be truly paranoid is not to know the fear is irrational. To be truly paranoid is to forget that one must struggle against paranoia itself as a threat at least as dangerous to oneself as any of the presumed dangers that may or may not be lurking without. To be sufficiently aware of one’s paranoia to name it as paranoia is thus to be aware that one must struggle against it — as one must — and all the more for those whose experiences and histories make them prone to it. One must struggle against paranoia so as to see the world rightly, and indeed, to judge the actual threats one faces, and does not face, so as not to fall victim to the false ones one merely imagines.
Earlier in his interview with Oprah, Chappelle spoke about the moment where his ability to handle the rigors and responsibilities of fame began to unravel for him. He talked in general terms about various actors, within his own team and without, that were seeking to control him — though by his own admission, he was in possession of a virtually absolute creative freedom and control of the show that bore his name. (As Comedy Central chief Doug Herzog put it in 2005, “"He absolutely has complete creative freedom.”)
He then went on to tell Oprah that “I was doing sketches that were funny but socially irresponsible.” He described a sketch in which he appears in blackface, as a pixie urging on black people to conform to racist stereotypes.
“The reason I had chosen blackface at the time was — this was going to be the visual personification of the N-word..it was a good spirit or intention behind it…what I didn’t consider is how many people watch the show… and how the way people use television is subjective…”
According to this account, Chappelle was awakened to the fact that the sophisticated meta-comedy of racial stereotyping in which he was engaged, which entailed countless instances of him playing ugly black stereotypes, may not have been received in the terms he intended, by the long and loud laughter of a white subordinate on set.
“When I'm on the set we're finally taping the sketch. Someone on the sketch who's white laughed in such a way…I know the difference between people laughing with me and people laughing at me…and it was the first time I'd ever gotten a laugh that I was uncomfortable with…”
Right around this time, according to his co-writer, Neal Brennan Chappelle would come up with ideas, write them, and express enthusiasm for them. “We'd shoot it, and then at some point he'd start saying, 'This sketch is racist, and I don't want this on the air.' And I was like, 'You like this sketch. What do you mean?' There was this confusing contradictory thing: he was calling his own writing racist."
A decade after the mercurial rise and fall of Andrew Dice Clay, who in the span of two years became the biggest selling comedian in history and vanished completely from the entertainment industry after being protested for hateful material and banned from major television networks, the most popular comedian in America canceled himself for violating racial sensitivities. The difference of course is that the person cancelling Chappelle was Chappelle himself, who succumbed to the fear — was it paranoia? — that his show had turned him into a well-remunerated marionette giving license to white people who wanted to revel in racist contempt under the guise of participating in a sophisticated meta-comedy. ““I felt like it had gotten me in touch with my inner ‘coon.’ . . . When that guy laughed, I felt like, man, they got me.”
Chappelle had lost faith in the premise behind the politically incorrect comedy of that time: that a cathartic disgorging of the contents of the racial imaginary could both memorialize the harms of racism and enact our collective triumph over it through the medium of ridicule and shared laughter. He had reached the conclusion that the racial provocations that had earned him an immense fortune (the blackface skit that served as a trigger was not really more extreme than what his show routinely served up) were not what he had once imagined they were. They were instead instances of hateful speech that through their brandishing of ugly stereotypes did harm.
Andrew Dice Clay began as a parody of Italian-American machismo by a Jew from Sheepshead Bay named Andrew Silverstein. He eventually merged with his character in ways that made what began as a sophisticated meta-commentary on the backwardness of ethnic whites into a reactionary recrudescence and celebration of those very attitudes shorn of its saving irony. By the end, it became clear that the distinction was one without a difference to those who mattered, and that his brief rise to fame was a valedictory moment for a culture that had decisively moved beyond those attitudes — a last upsurge of unenlightened, unreconstructed masculinity delivered in parodic, hyperbolic form, before it would be forever shut out.
In the closing moments of 2017’s the Age of Spin, Chappelle returned to the subject of his fallen hero, Bill Cosby. He has made clear that his condemnation of the “54 rapes” to which he has made repeated reference through the night is absolute. But he also memorializes “the valuable legacy that I can’t just throw away.” Among the items that he lists is that “I remember that he partnered up with a clinical psychologist to make sure that there was not one negative image of African-Americans on his show. I’m telling you, that’s no small thing. I’ve had a television show. I wouldn’t have done that shit.” Indeed, the writer-performer who created Tyrone Biggums a decade and a half after the normative image of the American family became one helmed by two black professionals did not do that. He then closes with what he concedes is an unconfirmed story whose significance nonetheless puts into focus the subject of our next dispatch in this ongoing series:
“I heard that when Martin Luther King stood on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and said he had a dream, he was speaking into a PA system that Bill Cosby paid for. So, you understand what I’m saying? The point is this: He rapes, but he saves. And he saves more than he rapes. But he probably does rape. Thank you very much! Good night!”
(Reposting my comment from Part 1, which I came to late.)
The anxiety that led to Chappelle’s abrupt disappearance wasn’t misplaced. It’s important for us Gen-Xers to be clear-eyed about this, and not succumb to gauzy nostalgia (and I’m as guilty as anyone) for the good ol’ days of the 70s-90s, when too often, many of us were color-blind only when convenient, and all-too-quick to give ourselves credit for the most basic gestures of racial harmony. Lazy generational stereotypes obfuscate rather than elucidate; far more binds the generations than distinguishes them from each other. Human nature persists.
From my seats on the 25 yard-line of the Alabama-Tennessee game Saturday night, some observations. They’re not fresh — I’ve had them before, I’ve been to dozens of ‘Bama games in my lifetime and grew up in this state — but they still, somehow, startle me anew.
Before the game, the 1971 Alabama football team was honored. Along the south endzone stood
fifty or so gray-headed white men, many of them of almost comically slight stature. While ‘Bama technically integrated in 1971, only two black players were on the squad that year. That 1971 team won an SEC title but was absolutely thrashed by a fully-integrated Nebraska team in the Orange Bowl for the national championship.
1971. That’s 35 years after Jesse Owens — incidentally, an Alabama native — dominated the Berlin Olympics. That’s 639 homers into Hank Aaron’s — another Alabama native — record-breaking 755. That’s 638 homers into Willie Mays’ — yet another (!) Alabama native — illustrious, arguably-greatest-of-all-time career. And the University of Alabama’s legendary football program was only taking the most tepid baby steps toward allowing black athletes on the team.
Today, of course, 80% of the team, and 90%+ of the starters, are black. The makeup of the attendees remains overwhelmingly white. It makes for an interesting, and not altogether unhealthy, dynamic — as long as we’re playing well, that is. When we’re not, “we” turns to “they” uncomfortably quickly.
It was homecoming. At halftime, I went to get some Dreamland BBQ nachos while my 12 year-old daughter remained in her seat to take in the festivities. As I stood in line, I heard a loud boo go up from the crowd — during halftime, mind you. When I returned to my seat, my daughter asked me why the crowd booed the homecoming queen, but cheered loudly for the runner-up.
So that was the boo, I thought. I explained it to her: the runner-up was a softball pitcher who had led the Tide to the Women’s College World Series last year, a tall and stately blonde, quite popular on campus and well-known throughout the state.
The homecoming queen was also a white woman. She was the “Machine-backed” candidate for homecoming queen, certainly the daughter of an influential, old-money family. What is the “Machine”? It’s a secret society, a remnant of the Theta Nu Epsilon suprafraternity, that controls student affairs at the University. It’s made up of secret representatives from the most prestigious fraternities and sororities on campus. It’s been running the campus for over a hundred years, using the Student Government Association as a sort of training ground or farm league for state politics. It rarely loses, and when it does — or even thinks it might — it engages in conduct that makes Watergate look laughably tame.
Why the boos? There was a widespread belief in the student body — only 20–25% of the students are members of the Greek system — that the Machine would rig the election. And, as it turns out, they did: for starters, the Machine-controlled SGA simply ignored the run-off requirement and gave the crown to their candidate with only 47% of the vote. The softball player had received 45% of the vote. There were three other non-Machine candidates who shared the remaining 8% of the votes.
Same ol’ shit.
Reflecting on Saturday night, I reread an Esquire Magazine expose of the “Machine” from 1992. Then, a friendly, color-blind, Gen-X fraternity president — trying to navigate calls to force the integration of the Greek system following an incident where two white Kappa Delta pledges had donned full blackface to attend a “Who Rides the Bus?”-themed fraternity party costumed as pregnant black women — articulated his own dream of racial harmony and the conditions under which he’d accept integration of his particular fraternity, Kappa Alpha:
“I’d love to be president [of Kappa Alpha] when there’s one [a black person] who’s right,” he says. “But I don’t see it in the next five years. I’d love to give him a break. Someone who really, really wants to be a K.A. … Someone who appreciates southern heritage….Someone with the same view I have, that there’s n*ggers and there’s blacks and there’s rednecks and white people.”
‘Bama would go on to win the college football national championship that year, 1992, when they routed Miami in the Sugar Bowl. Black players like George Teague, Antonio Langham, Sam Shade, Eric Curry, John Copeland, Antonio London, Derrick Oden, Lemanksi Hall and Tommie Johnson led a legendarily-stingy Crimson Tide defense to a stunning upset over the heavily-favored ‘Canes. Our golden boy white quarterback was 4 of 18 for 13 yards and 2 interceptions.
And that friendly, color-blind, Gen-X, Kappa Alpha president almost certainly celebrated that victory and thumped his chest harder than anyone.
Perhaps it won’t surprise you to learn that integration had to be forced on the UA Greek system — in 2014. Not that it has made much difference.
But perhaps it will surprise you to learn that Alabama continues to labor under the longest written constitution in the world — no, literally — the 1901 Constitution, whose explicit purpose, as articulated by the president of the constitutional convention during his opening speech, was “to establish white supremacy in this state.” It’s been remarkably successful in preserving the power of the landed gentry, the former slave-owning plantation farming families, while ensuring that the descendants of slaves stuck in the Black Belt and poor whites stuck in the Appalachian foothills have virtually no prospects. And, like the stupid, petty homecoming queen race at the University of Alabama in 2021, the “Machine” of that time quite openly stole the election ratifying the 1901 Constitution, going so far as to stuff ballot boxes in Black Belt counties with more votes than there were citizens.
No, Chappelle’s anxiety wasn’t misplaced at all. He sensed something that was — and is — real: a failure, our failure, to live up to what we say we want, our Creed, which is to see and treat others as full-bodied individuals, regardless of skin color, regardless of social station or power; our unwillingness to courageously confront real injustice and real entrenched power; and our tendency to treat tokenism and smiling at black people and rooting for black athletes and laughing at black comedians and “having black friends” like the endpoint of racial progress. It’s not, and he was right to sense that he was being used in that way, even if it was unintentional.
The answer isn’t to throw out the Creed, though. The Creed is good, right, and just — indeed, it’s the only just and workable principle for a civilized society. Chappelle has re-emerged to courageously fight for the Creed, while so many of us have cowered in the corner as what Wesley Yang has coined the “Successor Ideology” — what you might call “radical woke-ism” — terrorizes the land and does grievous harm to our shared culture. Certainly, many in my generation will seek to use Chappelle in the same way they — we — used him before. I hope it won’t be too many. He’s got something very important to say.
While this is interesting I don’t think it bears on the successor ideology, as the non-woke can agree that there’s an uncomfortable seam of racism in our culture, and empathize with chapelle for the way those laughs made him feel.
What the successor ideology wants to do is take that as the jumping off point to establish tokenistic racial quotas and racist diversity trainings, and celebrate the shaming and denial of livelihood of anybody who puts a foot wrong. It wants to expunge the complex, multivariate way race and class are woven through our past and present in favor of a comic book version that denies basic statistical realities. It seeks to redefine challenging opinions as violence and teach children they’re either oppressors or aggrieved. Etc.
Chapelle makes basic factual errors in The Closer, but his paranoia over how his irony was received in 2005 isn’t on my list of critiques.